UTLÅTANDEN OM KRISHNARÖRELSEN (ISKCON)
 
 

Oberoende akademiska och övriga utlåtanden, brev etc
om Krishnarörelsen
(ISKCON - Det Internationella Sällskapet för Krishnamedvetande)


KIM KNOTT - Dr Klicka för skrivarvänlig textversion

Statement concerning the Hare Krishna Movement (ISKCON)
Dr Kim Knott. University of Leeds August 1994

I am a Senior Lecturer who has worked in the field of Religious Studies, particularly Indian Religions, since 1982. In 1986 I published a book on the Hare Krishna Movement (ISKCON) and its presence in Britain entitled MY Sweet Lord: The Hare Krishna Movement (Aquarian Press). This was based on two years study of the Movement, its practical life and philosophy. Since then, I have published several articles, on the issue of women, the relationship between devotion and scholarship, and the contemporary theology of the Movement. My own work, however, has extended to the study of other Eastern religious movements, and the presence of Indian Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims in Britain. It may also be relevant to mention that my own religious position is that I belong to the Religious Society of Friends or Quakers.

I understand that several issues are at the heart of the Ministry's concerns about the Hare Krishna Movement, namely the matter of caste and varnashramadharma, the undemocratic nature of the movement, and the threat to individual and family life. I would like to offer a few comments concerning these on the basis of my study of the Movement in relation to both its historical context and its development in another European country, Britain.

1. Varnashramadharma and caste. I was surprised to hear that the Ministry expressed concern about this issue as it is one which is hardly mentioned by devotees themselves. It is not of central importance in their philosophy. Even if it were, however, it is important to note the difference in all Indian religious thought (including that of the Hare Krishna Movement) between varna, the four broad philosophical groupings mentioned in the earliest Indian scriptures, and jati or caste. It is the latter which can be seen manifested in contemporary Indian social life. Like many other reforming movements and individuals, including Gandhi and Vivekananda, the Hare Krishna Movement opposes caste or jati. Evidence of this can be found in the fact that, in Britain, marriages take place within the Movement between those of European and Indian descent, and also between those of Indian descent from different caste backgrounds: What matters is the shared religious commitment of the couple, not their social position. In Britain, this has occasionally led to the Movement defending its position to the wider Indian Hindu community in which caste marriages are still the norm. It is my understanding of this that 'caste' as such is of no significance to the Movement.

A further issue concerning the Movement's philosophy of society which may be relevant, is the teaching on the position of the Brahmin. In Indian society, Brahmins inherit their status as members of a particular caste. However, in the Hare Krishna Movement, as in a few other Indian reforming movements, the status of Brahmin is earned through personal piety and training. Any man or woman can become Brahmin by this means. In this sense, the Movement is democratic. Equality of opportunity certainly exists in relation to this social position, which is one of great importance within the Movement.

2. The political outlook of the Hare Krishna Movement As I understand it this Movement is not interested in state or national politics. Its vision is a spiritual one. Other new religious movements have become involved in such affairs, one forming a political party of its own, but I have not heard of such involvement by Hare Krishna devotees.

As a religious movement, like many Christian, Muslim and other groups, the Hare Krishna Movement offers a spiritual goal with a path to its achievement. Many Christians speak of their hopes for 'the kingdom of God'; devotees speak of the goal of an eternal loving relationship with Krishna. Primarily, this is a path for the individual rather than a general social objective.

In my own dealings with Hare Krishna devotees I have seen nothing to suggest that they would use violence to impose their ideas. Neither do I see any evidence in their literature to support the idea of such violence. I cannot believe that the Ministry would derive such an idea from the Bhagavad-gita, one of the principal scriptures of the Movement and of most of the population of India. Although the setting for this work is a battle between two families, it is not used by the Movement or by the vast majority of Hindus to support the idea of war. Its principal teaching is .hat of an active loving devotion to God.

A final point that should be made here concerns the engagement of the Hare Krishna Movement with other social and religious groups. In Britain, the Movement has been actively engaged in inter-religious dialogue for a number of years. Through the National Council of Hindu Temples it is involved in the work of the Interfaith Network (UK). Its members are regular attendees at Network meetings. A further example is the hosting of a Hindu-Christian day-conference in Britain on 'The Experience of God' to which prominent religious leaders and academics have been invited. In their recent activities in Britain, there is nothing to suggest that the Hare Krishna Movement is anti-pluralistic. On the contrary, there seems to be a recognition that the Movement forms part of a complex, multi-religious society in which dialogue and encounter are essential to the well-being of all.

3. Individual and family life. The Hare Krishna Movement, along with many other new religions, has been accused of a variety of activities which are detrimental to individual and family life. In Britain, this was a common accusation in the late 1970s and in the 1980s, though I think the British public now has fewer fears on this matter than previously. The Movement has been active here for over twenty-five years and no real evidence has come to light to support such claims. The great majority of members of the Movement in

Britain, as in Germany, do not live in Hare Krishna temples, but reside and work as lay members. They engage in normal occupations, coming into contact with other ordinary people, going to the temple as others might go to Churches. In their private lives they maintain the principles of the Movement such as a vegetarian diet, reading scriptures and chanting. In this, they have much in common with ardent Christians who keep the principles of their own religion. What is more, there are now few people in Britain who would see practices such as vegetarianism or chanting as detrimental to the health of an individual. About one quarter or 25~ of all young people in Britain are now vegetarians, having chosen this diet for a variety of moral and health reasons. Neither is chanting the preserve of Hare Krishna devotees. In Britain, many Indian families, whether Hindu or Sikh, and many British Buddhists have adopted this practice. I have not seen any evidence to support the idea that the practice damages these people in any way.

The Hare Krishna Movement has a strict moral code in which marriage and the upbringing of children is of great importance. Sexual relationships outside marriage are not encouraged. In addition, the Movement like so many other social institutions in the West has had to face up to the question of women's equality. Women may not 'take sannyasa': That is, they may not become wandering ascetics for fear that their personal security is violated. Apart from this, however, any position is open to them. If I am not mistaken, there is a woman temple president in Germany, a position of great seniority and authority. Ir. addition, as both mothers and widows, women are offered great respect. To the best of my knowledge, there is no evidence in any of the literature revered by the Movement or in any of their own teachings to support the institution of sat or widowburning.

Conclusion. The Hare Krishna Movement is a minority religious movement which, in my opinion, offers no threat to the German nation or the persons who are part of it. I do not deny that some of those who come into contact with it will disagree with its principles and teachings, and I accept that some of the parents of those who join may be anxious about the course of action taken by their son or daughter. I sympathise with those who want to ask questions and find out more about the Movement. However, I do not believe that there is any more to fear from this Movement than there is from other established religious groups. Those devotees I have met have been sincere and committed. Most seem intelligent and quite capable of forming opinions and making decisions for themselves .

While I am sure there are those who will not wish to accept the views presented here, I hope that the statement will be useful in helping to inform the debate as a whole.

Dr Kim Knott, Senior Lecturer in Religious Studies